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27

This explanation of Bacal and YHVH as rivals for the young God spot might be taken to explain better the extreme rivalry between them manifested in the Bible

28

Smith, Early History of God, 32-33. Cross, in contrast, had argued that YHVH was originally a cultic name for 'El used in the south; YHVH eventually splits off from and then ousts 3E1 (Cross, Canaanite, 71).

29

A similar explanation, mutatis mutandis, might, just might, help to understand the place of JJokhma, Lady Wisdom, as a virtual consort to God in Proverbs 8 and her connections with Ashera, for which see Smith, Early History of God, 133.

30

It is here that I part company most decisively with Otto Eissfeldt, "El and Yahweh," Journal of Semitic Studies 1 (1956): 2 5 - 37, and Margaret Barker, The Great Angel: A Study of Israel's Second God (London: SPCK, 1992).

31

Daniel Abrams, "The Boundaries of Divine Ontology: The Inclusion and Exclusion of Metatron in the Godhead," Harvard Theological Review 87, no. 3 (July 1994): 291-321.

32

Pace Barker, Great Angel, 40. I thus agree with Emerton's conclusion that "the language used of the Son of man suggests

Yahwe, not the Davidic king." Emerton, "The Origin/' 231.

33

Seen in this light, it really is a sort of quibble to distinguish between second divinity and highest angel. We need to remember that in antiquity monotheism meant not the sole existence of only one divine being but the absolute supremacy of one to whom all others are subordinate (and this was good Christian theology until Nicaea as well). Fredriksen, "Mandatory Retirement," 35-38, is a concise, excellent presentation of this position.

34

"Yahoel" appears in the Apocalypse of Abraham (A. D. 70-150), but then as late as 3 Enoch (fourth–fifth centuries), we find "Little Yahu," "Yahoel Yah," and "Yahoel" explicitly given as names for Metatron. Andrei Orlov, "Praxis of the Voice: The Divine Name Traditions in the Apocalypse of Abraham," Journal of Biblical Literature 127 (2008): 53-70, and Philip S. Alexander, "The Historical Setting of the Hebrew Book of Enoch," Journal of Jewish Studies 28 (1977): 163-64.

35

Collins, Daniel, 281. Collins seems to consider the pattern of religion enshrined in the throne vision as a frozen relic from Israel's past (or even a foreign past): "it has been argued that motifs should not be 'torn out of their living contexts' but 'should be considered against the totality of the phenomenological conception of the works in which such correspondences occur.' Such demands are justified when the intention is to compare the 'patterns of religion' in a myth and a biblical text, but this has never been the issue in the discussion of Daniel 7."