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Marcus, Mark 1-8, 439, but on 441 he is still doubtful. I, of course, agree with the translation, disagree with the doubt.

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The hermeneutic logic here is similar to that of Marcus in remark 2:23 (Marcus, Mark 1-8, 239) where the emphasis on"making a way" is taken as an allusion to the way that Jesus is making in the wilderness (the field). I am suggesting that Mark's emphasis on "with a fist," which is in itself quite realistic but seemingly trivial, has a similar symbolic overtone.

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Yair Furstenberg, "Defilement Penetrating the Body: A New Understanding of Contamination in Mark 7.15," New Testament Studies 54 (2008): 178.

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Tomson, 81, has brought this text to bear on Mark 7. It should be further pointed out, according to the Babylonian Talmud Shabbat 14a, that Rabbi Eliezer holds an even stricter standard than this; it is still within the category of rabbinic (Pharisaic) innovation or the "traditions of the Elders," just as Jesus dubs it.

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Collins, Mark: A Commentary, 350. Given, however, that she so precisely articulates this, I cannot understand how on the next page she approves of Claude Montefiore's statement that "the argument in w. 6-8 is not compelling." It is as compelling as can be as described above: "Why, Pharisees, are you setting aside the commandments of God in favor of the commandments of humans–handwashings, vows–as the Prophet prophesied?"

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In chapter 2, there is also a passage that is, I think, illuminated by such a perspective. In w. 18-22, some people wonder why other pietists (the disciples of John and the Pharisees) engage in fasting practices, while the disciples of Jesus do not. Jesus answers that they may not fast in the presence of the bridegroom, which is clearly a halakhic statement interpreted spiritually to refer to the holy, divine Bridegroom of Israel. As Yarbro Collins makes clear, this is another indirect claim on Jesus' part to be divine {Mark: A Commentary, 199).

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Albert I. Baumgarten, "The Pharisaic Paradosis," HarvardTheobgical Review 80 (1987): 63-77.

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This is close to the view of Sean Freyne, Galilee, from Alexander the Great to Hadrian, 323 B. C. E. to 135 C. E.: A Study of Second Temple Judaism, University of Notre Dame Center for the Study of Judaism and Christianity in Antiquity, 5 (Wilmington, DE: M. Glazier, 1980), 3 1 6 - 1 8 , 3 2 2.

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Weston La Barre, The Ghost Dance: Origins of Religion (London:Allen and Unwin, 1972), 254

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Joseph Klausner, "The Jewish and Christian Messiah/' in TheMessianic Idea in Israel, from Its Beginning to the Completion of the Mishnah, trans. W. F. Stinespring (New York: Macmillan, 1955), 519-31.

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See Martin Hengel, "The Effective History of Isaiah 53 in the Pre—Christian Period," in The Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian Sources, ed. Bernd Janowski and Peter Stuhlmacher, trans. Daniel P. Bailey (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2004), 137-45, for good arguments to this effect. Hengel concludes, "The expectation of an eschatological suffering savior figure connected with Isaiah 53 cannot therefore be proven to exist with absolute certainty and in a clearly outlined form in pre-Christian Judaism. Nevertheless, a lot of indices that must be taken seriously in texts of very different provenance suggest that these types of expectations could also have existed at the margins, next to many others. This would then explain how a suffering or dying Messiah surfaces in various forms with the Tannaim of the second century C. E., and why Isaiah 53 is clearly interpreted messianically in the Targum and rabbinic texts" (140). While there are some points in Hengel's statement that require revision, the Targum is more a counterexample than a supporting text, and for the most part he is spot on.